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By Jeremy Bauer-Wolf
Inside Higher Ed

College campuses nationwide have seen an escalating number of anti-Semitic incidents over the past several years, but academics, experts and politicians remain divided on how to combat them.

At a hearing of the House of Representatives Judiciary Committee Tuesday, some panelists depicted the Education Department as floundering without a definition with which to consider cases of harassment toward Jewish students.

While the Education Department is charged with examining claims of harassment under Title VI of the 1964 Civil Rights Act, it lacks any formal description of anti-Semitism, which can complicate an investigation, panelists said.

Conversation Tuesday largely centered on a bill, first introduced last year, to change that.

The Anti-Semitism Awareness Act would instruct the Education Department to rely on the State Department’s definition of anti-Semitism. The proposal generated bitter debate, with some of its opponents claiming it would chill free speech at universities. In part, this is because the State Department’s definition includes demonizing Israel as an example of anti-Semitism, and opponents felt that this would suppress opposition to the actions of the Israeli state among both students and professors.

The bill passed the Senate but not the House last year.

At least two panelists floated the idea that faculty members who teach lessons critical of Israel could be construed to be spouting hate speech, for instance.

But advocacy group representatives on the panel, such as those from the Anti-Defamation League, characterized the troubles for Jewish students as reaching a disaster level, and they implored lawmakers to step in.

“We need your help,” said Rabbi Abraham Cooper, associate dean of the Simon Wiesenthal Center.

Generally, there has been a jump in anti-Semitism nationwide this year. The Anti-Defamation League, which tracks such bigotry across the country, has documented almost 1,300 anti-Semitic incidents from January through the end of September. The group did not specify the number that occurred on college campuses.

But anecdotally, anti-Semitism has intruded on college campuses more frequently over the past year.

Perhaps most prominent was a white supremacist rally on the University of Virginia campus in August, where members of various white nationalist and neo-Nazi groups circled the campus wielding torches and chanting, “Jews will not replace us.”

During the hearing, Representative Sheila Jackson Lee, a Texas Democrat, played a clip of the march on her phone from the dais, to illustrate her “horror” at these types of incidents and the need for a fix. She said she could only imagine how the students on the campus that night felt looking at the spectacle.

And on the other side of the country, at San Francisco State University, Jewish students sued in June, alleging that the institution and the Board of Trustees who oversee the California State University system left them vulnerable and perpetuated anti-Semitism.

Jewish students said San Francisco State administrators never intervened when students were harassed and bullied and that they felt fearful, to the point they wouldn’t wear symbols that identified their religious affiliation and avoided certain campus routes.

The federal lawsuit was referenced during the hearing by Sandra Hagee Parker, chairwoman of the Christians United for Israel Action Fund. She cited incidents at other institutions — rocks being hurled at Jewish students at the University of New Mexico, a George Mason University student wearing a pro-Israel shirt being called “a baby killer” in the middle of the cafeteria.

“Sadly, history has already clearly shown us what happens when good men and women do nothing in the face of such evil. Not to act is to act,” Parker said.

Professors on the panel, among others, said the portrayals of campuses in crisis were false, and that the legislation would contradict free speech principles on campus.

Suzanne Nossel of PEN America called the definition overly broad and inappropriate for a college campus. She said any policy that treated criticism of Israel as anti-Semitic was a mistake.

“It is undeniable that some anti-Israel sentiment is fueled by hostility toward Jews. But to declare, ipso facto, that any speech that blames Israel for regional tensions or subjects Israel to a higher standard of behavior constitutes anti-Semitism risks chilling a wide range of speech,” she said in her testimony.

To counter, some on the panel said that the State Department definition had been adapted from one used worldwide, specifically by an agency of the European Union.

If passed, the legislation could lead other minority groups, such as black or lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender men and women, to demand similar flawed blanket protections, Nossel said.

Paul Clement, solicitor general under President George W. Bush, now a partner at Kirkland & Ellis, said that the bill wouldn’t run afoul of First Amendment principles. Simple criticisms of Israel wouldn’t rise to the harassment level, he said, but the legislation would give the Education Department rules with which to investigate discrimination against Jews, and use the speech as evidence in such a case.

A definition could be developed by adjudicating these types of cases, but the Education Department has not opened any Title VI cases related to anti-Semitism, panelists said — so Congress should intervene, according to Clement.

President Trump’s pick to lead the Office for Civil Rights, Kenneth Marcus, who also worked for the George W. Bush administration, has vehemently advocated for the legislation.

Marcus leads the Louis D. Brandeis Center for Human Rights Under Law, a Jewish advocacy group. He has been particularly critical of the anti-Israeli movement known as boycott, divestment and sanctions, or BDS.

In a Politico column, Marcus called the Office for Civil Rights “powerless” in handling cases related to anti-Semitism.

“The 115th Congress should take action on this legislation immediately and give the new secretary of education the tools necessary to stamp out this ugly blight of campus anti-Semitism,” he wrote in January.

Original Article

Richard Cravatts
Newsweek

No sooner had President Trump nominated Kenneth Marcus, president of the Louis D. Brandeis Center for Human Rights Under the Law, to be Assistant Secretary for Civil Rights at the U.S. Department of Education, than extremist anti-Israel groups began to mount an aggressive campaign to derail the appointment.

This is a remarkable affront to a civil rights lawyer who has spent his career fighting for the rights of women, the disabled, and members of many minority groups: African Americans, Hispanics, and Asians, as well as Sikhs, Arabs, and Muslim Americans.

Marcus’s prior tenure at the federal Office for Civil Rights was widely lauded for effective leadership and support for the rights of all students. For this reason, most civil rights groups have thus far refrained from subjecting Marcus to the vituperation that other recent Trump nominees have faced.

Some extremist anti-Israel groups, however, have broken ranks, attacking the administration’s Jewish civil rights nominee with reckless and malicious falsehoods.

One of these groups, Palestine Legal, whose mission is to bolster the anti-Israel movement by challenging efforts to protect Jewish students from anti-Semitism, immediately issued a letter smearing Mr. Marcus as an “Anti-Palestinian Crusader” and opposing his nomination in terms of the so-called Livingstone Formulation.

Under that formulation, as identified by British sociologist David Hirsch, anti-Semites accuse Jews of fabricating anti-Semitism claims in order to silence decent people who are concerned about Israel’s supposed human rights violations.

In this way, Palestine Legal’s director, Dima Khalidi, levels the spurious charge that “Marcus is the architect of a strategy to abuse civil rights law to suppress campus criticism of Israel.”

In other words, she contends that Marcus’s campaign to ameliorate campus anti-Semitism is not based on a virtuous desire to end bigotry but is a disingenuous attempt at “shielding Israel from scrutiny,” consistent with the “Livingstone Formulation.”

Part of that notion is “the counter-accusation that the raisers of the issue of anti-Semitism do so with dishonest intent, in order to de-legitimize criticism of Israel. The allegation is that the accuser chooses to ‘play the anti-Semitism card’ rather than to relate seriously to, or to refute, the criticisms of Israel.”

Of course, those who refuse to acknowledge that their speech or behavior may, in fact, be anti-Semitic normally resist such designations, but the allegation of Palestine Legal against Mr. Marcus is particularly odious because it seeks to impugn his integrity as someone fighting anti-Semitism, suggesting instead that his true motive, carefully hidden from view and masked as benign activism, is actually to serve the interests of Israel by trying to delegitimize and libel its campus critics.

Moreover, Palestine Legal claims, in order to shield Israel from scrutiny, to insulate its policies and state behavior from critique, Mr. Marcus pretends to be interested in anti-Semitism but is actually creating a smokescreen to shield Israel “at the expense of civil and constitutional rights.”

In addition to the Livingstone Formulation, these groups are also going after Marcus with the classic charge that Jews are attempting to use gain control of government power for nefarious purposes.

“Marcus has no business enforcing civil rights laws when he has explicitly used such laws to chill the speech activities and violate the civil rights of Arab, Muslim, Jewish, and other students who advocate for Palestinian rights,” Khalidi charged.

It is not coincidental, of course, that a group dedicated to undermining efforts to fight anti-Semitism would have been aware of the efforts of Mr. Marcus and his colleagues as they attempted to identify the causes and corrosive impact of campus anti-Semitic speech and behavior.

For at least the last decade, the primary source of anti-Zionist, anti-Israel, and anti-Semitic activism on campuses has been anti-Israel individuals and groups, including the Muslim Student Association and the radical Students for Justice in Palestine, among others.

So, even as Ms. Khalidi would have one believe that Mr. Marcus launched a campaign to silence pro-Palestinian activists merely as a tactical ploy to insulate Israel from critique and condemnation, the anti-Israel activism which she so ardently defends has regularly spawned instances in which agitation against Israel has included speech and behavior which has been considered, and in fact often was, anti-Semitic.

Of great concern to those who have observed the invidious byproduct of this radicalism is the frequent appearance of anti-Israel sentiment that often rises to the level of anti-Semitism, when virulent criticism of Israel bleeds into a darker, more sinister level of hatred—enough to make Jewish students, whether or not they support or care about Israel at all, uncomfortable, unsafe, or hated on their own campuses.

That is precisely the type of “hostile environment,” created by generating hostility toward Jewish students over their perceived or actual support of Israel, that may violate Title VI of the Civil Rights Act of 1964, one of the legal tools Mr. Marcus has used and may well continue to use in his new role to help insure that universities take steps to ameliorate situations in which such prejudice-laced campus climates are allowed to develop.

Jewish Voice for Peace (JVP), another anti-Israel group that also, not insignificantly, supports the BDS movement, published an open letter denouncing the choice of Mr. Marcus for the OCR appointment, as well, repeating the spurious charge that the use of Title VI statutes, and such guidelines as the U.S. State Department Working Definition of Anti-Semitism, would have the perverse side effect of suppressing the free speech of “pro-Palestinian” activists.

And despite Palestine Legal’s fear that the conflation of “criticism of Israel with anti-Semitism    . . .  has really serious consequences for those who advocate for Palestinian human rights and are being condemned and censored and punished as a result of the enormous pressure being placed on universities by the likes of Marcus and dozens of other Israel advocacy groups,” the truth is that not all human rights advocates behave in civil ways, and the fact that “pro-Palestinian” activists support a minority group does not justify their misbehavior and extremism, even for what they clearly believe to be a noble cause.

But pro-Palestinian advocacy on campus—the very activism Palestine Legal is so intent on preserving—has been shown to correlate directly to an uptick in anti-Semitic speech and behavior.

For example, in two studies it conducted of anti-Semitism on U.S. campuses, the AMCHA Initiative, an organization that investigates and documents anti-Semitism at U.S. universities, found that “Schools with instances of student-produced anti-Zionist expression, including BDS promotion, are 7 times more likely to have incidents that targeted Jewish students for harm than schools with no evidence of students’ anti-Zionist expression and the more such anti-Zionist expression, the higher the likelihood of incidents involving anti-Jewish hostility.” This “anti-Zionist expression” and “BDS promotion are,” of course, the central aspects of Palestinian activism.

That is the issue here, and why it is necessary and important that, in the effort to promote the Palestinian cause and help them to achieve statehood, another group—Jewish students on American campuses—do not become victims themselves in a struggle for another group’s self-determination.

 

Richard L. Cravatts, PhD, President Emeritus of Scholars for Peace in the Middle East, and the author of Dispatches From the Campus War Against Israel and Jews,is also a member of the board of directors of the Brandeis Center for Human Rights Under the Law and the AMCHA Initiative.

Original Article

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