In partnership with the Center for Jewish History, IUB’s Institute for the Study of Contemporary Antisemitism is delighted to announce its upcoming conference titled “Addressing Antisemitism: Contemporary Challenges.” These five sessions will bring together many of this generation’s most prominent scholars to discuss definitions and debates about antisemitism, recent developments in the United States, Europe, and Israel, how technology is used to disseminate hate speech, and the best ways to respond to the rising threats of today’s anti-Jewish hostility. The conference is open to the public and will be held on January 28, 2024 at the Center for Jewish History in New York City. There will be both in-person and virtual opportunities to attend this groundbreaking symposium. Register today to reserve your seat. SESSION ONE on 1/28/24 | 10:00AM ET – features LDB Chairman Kenneth L. Marcus — ‘What is Antisemitism? Definitions and Debates’ Although Jew hatred dates back millennia, historians disagree on whether it should be called “antisemitism.” While some apply the term to violent events that have taken place across the entirety of Jewish history, others contend that alternative terms, such as “anti-Judaism” and “Judeophobia,” better describe the phenomenon in certain eras. Particularly in recent years, scholars and policymakers have debated the meaning of antisemitism by analyzing the role of political considerations in shaping how the term has been employed. Panel #1 addresses these and other issues by exploring competing definitions of antisemitism, examining how they relate to the controversial notion of antizionism, and determining how both terms have been affected by Hamas’s terror attack against Israel. Kenneth Marcus, Brandeis Center for Human Rights Under Law Derek Penslar, Harvard University Miriam Elman, Academic Engagement Network Moderated by Gavriel Rosenfeld, CJH / Fairfield University
Cover story published 1/3/24 by Washington Jewish Week; Story by Braden Hamelin Alyza Lewin, a longtime lawyer, is co-founder and partner at Lewin & Lewin, LLP, and president of the Louis D. Brandeis Center for Human Rights Under Law, where she advocates for religious liberty and the rights of the Jewish community. The Kesher Israel Congregation (The Georgetown Synagogue) member has also argued several important cases before the U.S. Supreme Court, including Zivotofsky v. Kerry (the “Jerusalem Passport” case), which eventually led to Americans born in Jerusalem having the ability to list Israel as their birth country on their U.S. passports. What are the things that you do as an attorney and president of a law center? I’m president of the Louis D. Brandeis Center for Human Rights Under Law and a partner in Lewin & Lewin as a father-daughter law partnership. So, my partner is my father … A lot of the work that we did, involved religious liberty … I realized that there’s a need to make sure that society recognizes that Jews are not just a religion — we’re people with a shared history and a shared heritage and a shared collective memory and shared ancestry — and that we have every right to live our lives, celebrating that history proudly. We have a right to fully engage in society without having to hide that part of who we are, that part of what defines us as the Jewish people. There’s a need for society to recognize that the laws in this country also protect Jews from this kind of harassment and discrimination which targets us on the basis of our shared ancestry. How did you get involved in this line of legal work? It was really baked into my DNA. I grew up in a family with a both a strong sense of Jewish identity and a strong passion for working to protect Jewish civil rights and protect the Jewish community. I grew up in a home where my father, Nathan Lewin, who is a litigator, always devoted a very significant portion of his professional time and expertise to trying to ensure that Jews in America could practice their faith freely and with pride. So, for example, my father’s argued 28 cases before the Supreme Court. They include the right to wear a yarmulke in the military and the right of Chabad to put up the large menorahs in the public square. My father and I have had a long partnership together for over 22 years. Why is this work so meaningful to you? My father is a Sugihara survivor. He and his parents fled Poland in 1939, but three of his grandparents perished in the Holocaust. I’ve always recognized that it’s good fortune or a bit of a miracle that I ended up being born in the United States with all the opportunity that has provided. Together with gratitude, I’ve always felt a tremendous sense of responsibility. I have watched and learned from my parents. I was raised to feel that if I’m blessed with opportunity, with skills and talents, then I want to be able to use those in some way to help support the Jewish people. Can you tell me about your experiences with the “Jerusalem Passport” Supreme Court case? That case taught me some of the most important life lessons … Lesson number one: It taught me to have the confidence to push myself outside my comfort zone. As I mentioned, my father had argued 28 cases before the Supreme Court, this was going to be my first. My father and the client encouraged me to do it, but I was not sure that I was ready to step into his shoes. I waited to make that decision until the last possible moment … In the end, we lost. The court ruled against us … Lesson number two: I learned to never ever give up because if you persevere, you can turn what may appear to be your greatest defeat into an amazing success. That is what happened here. Eighteen years after we filed our lawsuit (five years after the Supreme Court defeat), we got the policy changed and Ambassador [David] Friedman presented our client with the very first U.S. passport to officially list Israel as the place of birth for a US citizen born in Jerusalem … And lesson number three: We must always have faith. This case taught me that in our lifetime, we only see and witness a very small moment of time. If we are fortunate enough, we will live long enough to see the arc of history bend so that we’ll be able to understand that what in the moment may have appeared as defeat — is really the beginning of victory. When the Supreme Court ruled against us, it held that the President of the United States has the exclusive authority to recognize foreign sovereigns. That decision paved the way for President Trump’s recognition of Jerusalem as the capital of Israel and the Golan Heights as being in Israel. I’m grateful that I lived long enough to see what I had thought was defeat be converted into victory. What is your outlook on the future as we head into the New Year? Sadly, right now at the end of this year, [there is] a tremendous demand for the services that we provide at the Brandeis Center. We’ve seen, especially with our focus on the university campuses, antisemitism is spreading like wildfire. And so, one of the things that we’re going to be working on in the coming year is growing the Brandeis Center to be able to address the dramatic increase in the demand for our services to try and ensure that every student and every faculty member and staff member on campus that’s experiencing antisemitic harassment and discrimination is given the support they need. And to try and better educate the administrators on those campuses to recognize and see the antisemitism and to take effective steps to address that harassment and discrimination so that the campuses will once again become truly safe welcoming spaces for everyone.
Published by The Wall Street Journal on 1/4/24; Story by Ray A. Smith and Lauren Weber DEI programs have come under fire from many directions The management philosophy known as DEI, which had gathered momentum since 2020, has been under siege over the past year amid a collision of legal, economic and geopolitical forces. The Supreme Court struck down affirmative action in colleges, removing the legal rationale buttressing many diversity programs. An expected slowdown in the economy prompted companies to cut jobs and financial support for diversity, equity and inclusion initiatives. And the Israel-Hamas war and college presidents’ responses to antisemitism on campus led some to question whether DEI programs and the values behind them extended to all students. This week brought the resignation of Harvard University President Claudine Gay, whose championing of diversity initiatives made her a target of conservative critics. Gay, Harvard’s first Black female president, had come under additional fire in recent weeks for allegations of plagiarism and for congressional testimony in which she and other college presidents struggled in their responses to questions about antisemitism on campuses. Also this week, Texas became the second state, after Florida, to ban DEI initiatives at publicly funded colleges and universities. Texas A&M University had already announced in the fall that it closed its DEI office and reassigned the team’s staff members. It isn’t clear whether the upheaval of the past year will have a broad and lasting impact on how companies and colleges approach diversity. Some DEI consultants say the scrutiny surrounding such efforts in academia could have a chilling effect on corporate diversity initiatives, emboldening critics to take them on. Others maintain that DEI is resilient. “I do expect we’ll see activists targeting companies and leaders who have been outspoken on the importance of diversity and inclusion,” said Joelle Emerson, CEO of Paradigm, a provider of consulting services and analytic tools that has worked with organizations including American Express, Grubhub and the National Football League on their DEI efforts. “In our work, we’ve already seen this start to happen. I’ve heard a number of leaders at Fortune 500 companies say that they’re planning to continue their diversity and inclusion efforts, but just plan to be quieter about what they’re doing.” Affirmative action The Supreme Court’s June decision to strike down affirmative action in college admissions boosted efforts by conservative groups to fight initiatives in the corporate sphere designed to rectify imbalances in the workplace, from hiring targets to fellowship and internship programs reserved for people from underrepresented groups. Since the high court’s decision, conservative activists have launched a string of legal challenges against companies, including Starbucks and Amazon, targeting DEI programs they say violate rules against race and sex discrimination by steering opportunities or funds to racial and ethnic minority groups. Some companies have made changes to diversity initiatives. Comcast altered a small-business grant program to minority- or female-owned companies to make all small businesses eligible after the cable company was accused of violating the civil rights of white, male business owners. Companies are largely maintaining their programs or making only small alterations to address the areas where they see the most potential legal or reputational risk, said Ishan Bhabha, an attorney at Jenner & Block and co-chair of the firm’s DEI Protection Task Force. “There’s less backing away than one might think and I’ve actually been surprised by it,” he said. A principal aim of the conservative assault on DEI programs, he said, is to create the perception in the corporate world that the legal liability is broader than it actually is “so that companies back away voluntarily from programs that are completely legal and were totally uncontroversial even a couple of years ago.” Corporate cuts Demand for chief diversity officers surged after the murder of George Floyd in May 2020 sparked a wider examination of racial inequity at work. Diversity executives arrived with big mandates, healthy budgets and momentum on their side. Many found resources and support from senior executives waned over time, and dropped off sharply after the Supreme Court decision and a slowdown in the economy that prompted companies to cut corporate staff. In some cases, DEI-related roles were among the first to be eliminated when companies pulled back on hiring broadly because these initiatives were often tied to recruiting. Many chief diversity officers left their jobs and their teams dwindled. Nearly 30% of workers who began a diversity-related role after mid-2020 have left the field altogether, according to employment data provider Live Data Technologies. The advancement of Black professionals has stalled as well. Recent data from McKinsey show promotion rates for Black staff have fallen back near 2019 levels. “DEI is going to come under full-out attack in 2024, no holds barred,” said Johnny C. Taylor Jr., the CEO of SHRM, an association for human resource managers, at a December breakfast with journalists in New York City. The organization highlighted DEI as one of the top issues companies would be grappling with in the new year. Taylor said companies are already moving away from DEI efforts, especially those efforts tied to numeral targets for hiring or promotions of Blacks and other people of color or base executive bonuses on those targets. The Israel effect A pro-Palestinian movement on college campuses in the wake of the Oct. 7 attack on Israel by Hamas has elevated criticism of some aspects of the DEI movement. Critics say colleges focused on the goals of DEI have cultivated an environment where students see the world as divided between the oppressed and their oppressors, leading to an anti-Israel or anti-Jewish sentiment on campuses. At a congressional hearing in December in which Gay and other university presidents were questioned about antisemitism on their campuses, some Republican lawmakers drew a direct line from schools’ DEI initiatives to antisemitic harassment, vandalism and assaults. Their argument, in part, is that these initiatives have been overly focused on race and gender, at the expense of other groups that are victims of bigotry. “Institutional antisemitism and hate are among the poison fruits of your institution’s cultures,” said Rep. Virginia Foxx (R., N.C.) at the hearing, where both Democrats and Republican lawmakers were critical of the leaders’ handling of the problems. Some workers report feeling similar concerns in their workplaces, said Rory Lancman, director of corporate initiatives and senior counsel at the Louis D. Brandeis Center for Human Rights Under Law, which fights antisemitism. His organization is fielding calls related to several workplace themes, he said, including “anti-Israel and anti-Zionist animus” driven by the Israel-Hamas war, leading to what some employees say they are experiencing as a hostile work environment. In addition, he said, “Jewish concerns and antisemitism have been erased from corporate DEI programs to the point where there is no training on combating antisemitism.” Some workers are also finding that their requests to have workplace affinity groups, also known as employee resource groups, are being denied, often on the grounds that companies have a policy of not allowing religiously-based employee groups.