Earlier this month, the University of Chicago released a praiseworthy update to its policy on freedom of speech.  The policy protects free academic discourse and speakers’ rights to address controversial topics, while also setting forth principles about students’ responsibilities to respect guest speakers and fellow students, and about the University’s need to prevent disruptions to its daily operations.

“In light of recent events nationwide that have tested institutional commitments to free and open discourse,” the University of Chicago established a Committee on Freedom of Expression this past July.  On January 7, this committee released a report affirming the University’s steadfast commitment to protecting free speech and free academic inquiry, instructing students to follow the standards set for the school administration and to not interfere with others’ capacities for free expression.  Rather, it urged students to refrain from trying to silence opinions they find objectionable, and instead to explain their disagreement in a civilized manner.  This commitment to free speech, though, is not without restrictions; as the report explains, the school upholds its members’ rights to unrestricted discussion “[except] insofar as limitations on that freedom are necessary to the functioning of the University.”

The timing of this report is crucial, as its release comes at a time when several American universities have recent histories of restricting or, through passivity, allowing the restriction of Jewish and pro-Israeli students’ rights to free speech.  Two recent examples that have warranted the intervention of the Louis D. Brandeis Center are Brooklyn College and the University of California at Davis.  At Brooklyn College, two public safety officers of the school unjustly removed four pro-Israel student protestors from an anti-Israel event in February 2013.  The officers did so at the behest of the event organizer, who is not affiliated with the College and requested their removal based on his knowledge of their pro-Israel beliefs.  The UC Davis incident occurred in November 2012.  Three Jewish students tried to speak out at an anti-Israel rally and were silenced with several anti-Semitic chants, including “F**k Israel,” and then backed into a wall by the hostile crowd.  The administrations of both schools have since worked with the Brandeis Center to implement new policies meant to ensure the safety of Jewish students wishing to voice their opinions on campus.

The University of Chicago’s Committee released this report having “carefully reviewed the University’s history, examined events at other institutions, and consulted a broad range of individuals both inside and outside the University.”  The report draws upon the University’s history of protecting students’ and guest speakers’ right to engage in the discussion of controversial issues and opinions since its establishment in 1890:  “From its very founding, the University of Chicago has dedicated itself to the preservation and celebration of the freedom of expression as an essential element of the University’s culture.”  The Committee alludes to past University presidents who proclaimed that freedom of expression is fundamental to the school’s mission, as well as to incidents when the University safeguarded students’ and speakers’ rights to controversial speech.  Such events included a 1932 lecture from communist presidential candidate William Z. Foster and the 1968 anti-Vietnam War protests.

Though the report affirmed the University’s concern about preserving a safe and mature environment for its students, it held that assuring freedom of speech takes priority.  As the committee proclaims, it is the responsibility of the university to ensure free academic discourse, even at the expense of facilitating the spread of dangerous speech.

Of course, the ideas of different members of the University community will often and quite naturally conflict.  But it is not the proper role of the University to attempt to shield individuals from ideas and opinions they find unwelcome, disagreeable, or even deeply offensive.  Although the University greatly values civility, and although all members of the University community share in the responsibility for maintaining a climate of mutual respect, concerns about civility and mutual respect can never be used as a justification for closing off discussion of ideas, however offensive or disagreeable those ideas may be to some members of our community.

While it is the University administration and faculty’s responsibility to protect the practice of free speech on campus, the Committee’s report also called upon Chicago students to do their part in respecting the rights of others to express their ideas and opinions freely.  The report reminded students that while it is in line with the principles set forth therein to express disagreement with lecturers or other students, attempts to silence speakers promoting unpopular opinions are in fact detrimental to free expression:  “As a corollary to the University’s commitment to protect and promote free expression, members of the University community must also act in conformity with the principle of free expression.”

The Committee also made sure to reserve the right to restrict forms of expression that University administrators would deem “incompatible with the functioning of the University.”  They delineated specifically that the University would not support “expression that violates the law,” libel, threats to or harassment of individuals associated with the school, or generally forms of public speech that would prevent the University from being able to operate properly.  Accordingly, the Committee reserved the right to “regulate the time, place, and manner of expression to ensure that it does not disrupt the ordinary activities of the University.  But these are narrow exceptions to the general principle of freedom of expression, and it is vitally important that these exceptions never be used in a manner that is inconsistent with the University’s commitment to a completely free and open discussion of ideas.”

The report concludes: “The University of Chicago’s longstanding commitment to this principle lies at the very core of our University’s greatness.  That is our inheritance, and it is our promise to the future.”  The end of the press release also bears the names of all seven members of the Committee on Freedom of Expression, whose chair is Geoffrey R. Stone, the University’s Edward H. Levi Distinguished Service Professor of Law.

As Foundation for Individual Rights (FIRE) President Greg Lukianoff has pointed out in his 2012 book and other recent publications, American educational institutions have demonstrated in recent years a double standard when it comes to this freedom, taking steps to silence the proponents of unpopular opinions but then acting as First Amendment purists when speakers’ beliefs align with those of the campus Left.  In the face of this nationwide trend, Chicago’s commitment to the indiscriminate protection of free speech is certainly welcomed news.

The University’s decision to publish this statement is commendable, but, similar to many universities’ policies on freedom of expression, it does not seek a middle ground between a purist view of unrestricted free speech (i.e. one that could be used as justification for ignoring the problem of hate speech) and censorship.  The silencing of opinions on university campuses is detrimental to academic freedom, and such acts constitute abuses of administrative power.  However, if hate speech becomes pervasive on a campus without the interference of university administrators or faculty, it creates a hostile environment for the members of targeted groups.  It is for this latter reason that the University of Chicago’s new policy on free expression would have benefited from more attention to ways the university can limit harassment without restricting speech.  As Brandeis Center President Kenneth L. Marcus suggested in a recent article: “The best course is often for administrators to speak out, in a firm but non-threatening way.  A strong leader can condemn the offensive speech, articulate their institution’s values and educate the community about civility norms.  To ignore this point is to reinforce the Hobson’s choice which leads to either censorship or abdication.”  Though the Committee’s report claims that it is not the role of the University to determine what constitutes offensive speech, the administration still has the capacity to listen to student leaders and respond to situations where student groups are claiming to feel threatened.  University President Robert Zimmer declares in the official diversity statement, “Commitment to diversity is central to our mission of discovery.”  A necessary part of this commitment is letting members of disenfranchised groups know that they have the full support of the administration, even when feel that they do not have it from certain groups of students.  Leaders of the University of Chicago can affirm this support in instances of alleged harassment without suppressing offensive speech.

The Brandeis Center has been working tirelessly to help universities to ensure freedom of speech while forcefully addressing anti-Semitism and other forms of bias on campus.  Guidance on how to reconcile the principles of free expression with the goal of protecting students from harassment is available in the “best practices” section of our website.  Our site also provides links to resources from the Office for Civil Rights that provide helpful information on how to determine whether a hostile environment is being created for certain groups, as well as on how to address such situations without violating students’ and faculty members’ freedom of speech.

 

brandeisThe Louis D. Brandeis Center would like to announce to Brandeis Blog readers that the August edition of the Brandeis Brief is coming soon.  Each edition of the Brandeis Brief features a compilation of the month’s best blog entries, along with detailed and up to date information regarding the Brandeis Center’s campaign against campus anti-Semitism.

As the Brandeis Center continues to expand, both as it relates to its legal initiatives and to its online presence, the Brandeis Brief has emerged as an exciting way to keep updated on the Brandeis Center’s activities as well as the Brandeis Blog’s most relevant articles. Just recently, the Brandeis Center Blog gained another writer, Polish legal scholar Dr. Aleksandra Gliszczyńska–Grabias, who joined the long list of impressive legal and historical minds that regularly contribute to the Brandeis Blog. This list of contributors has included Gil Troy, Greg Lukianoff, Alyza Lewin, Harold Brackman, Andre Oboler, Lesley Klaff and Rafael Medoff. Subscribing to the Brandeis Brief is an easy way to keep updated on these scholars’ most recent blog postings, and the Center encourages its blog readers to subscribe to the Brandeis Brief so as not to miss any of these interesting and informational pieces.

For the final post of my oddly 21-day “week” of guest posting for the Brandeis Center blog, I want to focus on a troubling trend on college campuses which prevents belief-based organizations from excluding people hostile to their core beliefs. I talk about this trend in detail and at length in my book, and for now, the threat mostly concerns evangelical Christian groups on college campuses. For my nearly 12 year career, I have watched universities come up with different rationales for kicking evangelical Christian students off campus, primarily because of evangelicals views on sexual morality and topics like gay rights and marriage equality. I admit to have been surprised by how common this was on campus before I started at FIRE in 2001, but fighting these attempts on campus has become a regular part of my job. You can see a long list of creative approaches to punish religious groups on the religious liberty section of FIRE’s website.

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Two weeks ago, I began my week of guest blogging for the Brandeis Center blog. Before my final blog post, however, I was stopped dead in my tracks by a letter issued jointly by the Departments of Education and Justice to the University of Montana. While the ED and DOJ were investigating the University of Montana for allegations of mishandling sexual assault cases, the joint letter took a disturbing turn and changed the definition of sexual harassment in a wildly broad way.

Last week, I summarized what was so concerning about this development in the Wall Street Journal, and I urge you to read that piece. To further summarize, however, the ED and DOJ took what used to be understood as a preliminary explanation of what harassment is—namely “unwelcome sexual conduct” which explicitly includes “verbal conduct,” also known as speech—and rechristened it as the controlling definition for harassment.

This is a major change.

Previously, sexual harassment had been understood as either quid pro quo harassment or hostile environment harassment. The federal government has now apparently created a third category through this new definition, which is so vague and broad that it will be laughed out of court if challenged.

And that is only the beginning of the problems with the ED/DOJ mandate. Another troubling aspect of the joint letter is that it guts the requirement that harassment be limited to speech/conduct which is found offensive to a “reasonable person.” This opens the door to all speech being limited to the tolerance of the most sensitive person on campus. The new letter has been criticized by First Amendment scholar Eugene Volokh, former OCR attorney Hans Bader, Atlantic columnist Wendy Kaminer, education blogger Joanne Jacobs, and many others.

Nevertheless, the standards of this new letter will be seen as binding by colleges across the country because the ED has power over the federal funding of universities and can launch much-feared and onerous investigations of universities. While the letter is technically only binding on the University of Montana, it signals how all future colleges will be judged, prompting colleges to ignore the ED’s directives at their peril.

Those of you who are unfamiliar with the history of abuses of harassment-based speech codes over the last several decades may be scratching your head as to why my organization, FIRE, and I are so concerned about what may seem like a change in a narrow area of law. I explained this in detail in my book Unlearning Liberty Campus Censorship and the End of American Debate, but there are a few points that are important to understand:

1. Overbroad and vague harassment rationales have been the primary justification and legal theory behind campus speech codes since the 1980s. Many remember that speech codes came into vogue on campuses in the 1980s and 1990s; what they tend to forget, though, is that a great deal of them were based on expansive definitions of harassment. Starting in 1989 with Doe v. University of Michigan and continuing through successful challenges at my alma mater, Stanford University, and most recently at the University of the Virgin Islands, there have been a series of defeats in court for harassment-based speech codes over the past 25 years. In fact, the abuse of harassment rationales by universities was so bad that in 2003 the ED issued a clarification letter to instruct colleges across the country that harassment, properly defined, requires a serious pattern of serious conduct, and that harassment-based speech codes could not be used to censor and punish speech protected by the First Amendment. Notably, there is no mention of “free speech,” the First Amendment, or the 2003 clarification letter in the recent May 9 DOJ/ED joint letter.

2. “Harassment” charges have been the weapon of choice against unpopular, dissenting, or in some cases comparatively innocuous speech on campuses for decades now.  While I provide maybe a dozen examples of the abuse of harassment allegations on college campuses in my book, it’s only a small fraction of the cases I’ve seen over the years. As I discussed in my Wall Street Journal op-ed, cases include one I previously mentioned at Tufts University in which a student publication was found guilty of racial harassment for publishing true, if unflattering, facts about radical Islam, and, more recently, a professor at University of Denver who was found guilty of harassment because of the necessarily taboo topics covered in his class about, well, taboos.

One stunning example that got cut from the Wall Street Journal piece at the last-minute occurred last fall, when a student at SUNY Oswego was accused of harassment and faced suspension because, as part of a class assignment, he emailed local hockey coaches and asked for their opinion of Oswego’s hockey coach. A rival coach—not even the one in question—found the survey “offensive” because the student told recipients that they didn’t need to feel obliged to say only nice things about the Oswego coach. The rival coach’s complaint was enough to get the student suspended and kicked off campus. Fortunately, FIRE intervened and in the face of public ridicule Oswego changed course.

Then, of course, there are the “classic” FIRE examples of the student who was found guilty of racial harassment for publicly reading a book, the student who was kicked out of the dorms for making a joke about the “freshman 15,” and a student disc jockey who was found guilty for cracking jokes about his own mother on his radio show. The list goes on and on.

 3. Harassment standards do not stay confined to sex. While I briefly make this point in my Wall Street Journal article, it bears repeating and emphasis: This is not just about failed attempts at flirting or unsuccessful requests for a date (though, by the plain language of the new standard, can include these as well). As you can see from the examples above, harassment is used to punish everything from sophomoric, if tame, jokes, to what books students read, to what actually gets taught in class—all on the basis of the broadest possible definition of sex and gender, which inevitably expands to race, ethnicity, and religion. This has been an ongoing problem on campuses for decades, and the ED and DOJ stepped in to make the situation far more confusing and campus administrators far more likely to overreact.

I could go on, but if you’re interested in this topic, I recommend you follow FIRE’s blog The Torch to keep up with the problems with the new ED/DOJ “blueprint.” Meanwhile, please consider contacting your alma mater to see if they intend to stand up to this new unconstitutional standard from the ED. In fact, you can even contact the ED directly through FIRE’s website.

 

My second of three posts for the Brandeis Center examines the use of “hate speech” policies on college and university campuses. Specifically, I want to focus on several cases in which these policies have been used to censor or punish students and faculty for expressing speech even mildly critical of Islam. These cases demonstrate that “hate speech” policies, even if well-intentioned, are selectively applied in favor of Islam.

I’ll begin with a largely forgotten case that revolves around the story told in the video below, Portraits of Terror. The video tells the story of the artist, Joshua Stulman, whose exhibit of the same name was censored at Penn State University in 2006 by the university at the behest of two professors who claimed that the art violated Penn State’s policy against “hate speech.” (more…)

Greg Lukianoff

We’re pleased to announce that Foundation for Individual Rights in Education President Greg Lukianoff will appear as a guest on our blog next week.

WASHINGTON, DC, May 3, 2013 — The Louis D. Brandeis Center www.brandeiscenter.com for Human Rights Under Law, an independent civil rights organization established to fight campus anti-Semitism, announced today that civil libertarian Greg Lukianoff will appear as a guest on its popular blog  next week. Lukianoff is the president of the Foundation for Individual Rights in Education (FIRE) and author of Unlearning Liberty: Campus Censorship and the End of American Debate.

Lukianoff is known for his vigorous defense of free speech on college and university campuses.  The Louis D. Brandeis Center, named for one of the leading champions of the freedom of speech in American legal history, advocates strong civil and human rights protections against campus anti-Semitism consistent with the First Amendment and doctrine of academic freedom.

LDB President Kenneth L. Marcus commented, “The Brandeis Center salutes Greg Lukianoff and FIRE for their steadfast commitment to constitutional rights on college and university campuses. As an organization named for Justice Louis Brandeis, we believe strongly in the importance of free speech and civil liberties, just as we strongly oppose anti-Semitism and violation of civil rights.  We are excited that Greg Lukianoff will contribute to the Louis D. Brandeis Center Blog’s continuing dialogue on these issues.”  (more…)