The Brandeis Center hosted a webinar last month entitled ‘Holocaust Denial and Erasive anti-Semitism.’ The webinar is part of the Brandeis Center’s support for the Shine a Light campaign and was hosted on the eve of International Holocaust Remembrance Day.. Brandeis Center Founder and Chairman Kenneth L. Marcus and President Alyza D. Lewin served as moderators. Marcus and Lewin were joined by three distinguished panelists, including Yfat Barak-Cheney, Ben Freeman, and Arthur Traldi.. Barak-Cheney, the World Jewish Congress’ Director of International Affairs and Human Rights, began the webinar by defining Holocaust denial and distortion with reference to the IHRA definition. Cheney said, “Holocaust denial refers to discourse or propaganda that deny the historical reality as well as the extent and intentionality of the extermination of the Jews by the Nazis and accomplices during World War II.” In contrast, “distortion is not denying that the Nazi’s sought to murder the Jews of Europe, but still significantly and purposively misrepresenting the historical record.”. Barak-Cheney leads WJC’s efforts on combating online hate and described how Holocaust denial and distortion are not a new problem – but they are growing in prevalence with the rise of social media. She noted that according to a recent UNESCO report, 16.4% of all Holocaust information across popular platforms is Holocaust denial, and on some platforms, such as Telegram, 50% of Holocaust information is denial and distortion. “With the online world being so welcome to such ideas, we’ll soon just not be able to separate truth from lies,” said Barak-Cheney. “We will not be able to claim established narratives, and we will face the erasure of Holocaust history, and with it, a significant part of our ability to prevent genocide in the future.”. Freeman, the author of Reclaiming Our Story: The Pursuit of Jewish Pride, spoke next and categorized Holocaust denial and distortion as forms of erasive anti-Semitism and erasive Jew hatred, two terms he coined. He defined these terms as taking two forms: the erasure of Jewish identity and experience and the erasure of Jews as victims of prejudice. This erasure serves to rewrite Jewish history, erase the minority status of Jews, and undermine their need for protection and allyship. . Freeman asserts that erasive anti-Semitism is a danger to the Jewish people and a danger to the ability of the wider world to understand the Jewish people. “We cannot allow the Jewish story to be told by others, we cannot allow our story to be rewritten, with specific reference to the Holocaust, because what a horrendous insult to the six million Jewish souls who were stolen from us,” said Freeman. “It is our duty to honor them as best we can by retelling their stories.”. Brandeis Center Senior Counsel Arthur Traldi described ways in which erasure shows up in legal settings. He identified three examples of erasure in federal hate crimes law: two months ago when the FBI dramatically underreported anti-Semitic hate crimes, which the Brandeis Center called on the FBI to correct; last year when the FBI claimed that the Colleyville synagogue hostage taking had “nothing to do with the Jewish community”; and in university’s legally mandated hate crime reporting, where anti-Semitic hate crimes have been underreported. . Traldi also described the ways in which erasive anti-Semitism shows up on university campuses, an area in which the Brandeis Center specializes. “At a time of rising levels of anti-Semitism on campus, Jewish students are told their identities and targeting don’t count or aren’t important enough to be included in what is ironically called inclusion programing.” . Traldi referenced the Brandeis Center’s complaint against Stanford University in 2021, which came in response to the DEI program’s refusal to recognize or address anti-Semitic hostility on campus. The complaint also detailed the program’s decision to exclude anti-Semitism from its DEI curriculum and initiatives and attempts to silence and intimidate Jews who challenged its decisions. . The webinar ended with an opportunity for audience members to ask questions, largely focused on how both Jews and non-Jews can combat erasive anti-Semitism on university campuses and beyond. Panelists and moderators agreed that the best way to combat erasive anti-Semitism is through education. Jews can contribute to this effort by continuing to share their identity and experience and non-Jews can help by listening and creating space for Jewish voices to be heard.
The conveners of the “Law vs. Antisemitism” conference have asked the Brandeis Center to share the following Call for Papers with our readers. The conference will be held on campus and virtually at IU McKinney School of Law, Indianapolis, Indiana on March 13-14, 2022. The deadline to submit papers is August 1, 2021.
In honor of International Holocaust Remembrance Day, Combat Anti-Semitism, B’nai B’rith International, and the Louis D. Brandeis Center For Human Rights Under Law (LDB) came together on Monday, January 25th to honor the late Japanese diplomat, Chiune Sugihara, who risked his career and defied the instructions of the Japanese government to rescue thousands of Jews during World War II. Known as “the Japanese Schindler,” Sugihara’s righteous acts helped save more than 6,000 Jews fleeing the Nazis during the Holocaust, and contributed to the survival of an estimated 40,000 descendants of the Sugihara survivors. The event began with a moving video, presented by Combat Anti-Semitism and B’nai B’rith, about Sugihara’s heroic efforts, while he was stationed as a diplomat in Kaunas, Lithuania, to help thousands of Jews seeking transit visas as they fled Eastward from the Nazis; Sugihara tirelessly wrote as many visas as he could for these desperate Jewish refugees, until the Japanese consulate was ultimately closed and he was forced to leave Lithuania. As his train departed, Sugihara threw visas out his window: “Please forgive me,” he said, “I cannot write anymore.” In 1984, Yad Vashem, the World Holocaust Remembrance Center in Israel, honored Sugihara with the title of “righteous among the nations.” Following the video, LDB advisory board member, Nathan Lewin, a Sugihara survivor, shared his own incredible, life-story. When Lewin was just 3 years old, he was “carried in the night through the forest” with his parents, maternal grandmother, and uncle to Lithuania. Once there, the Lewins were among the first Jewish refugees to obtain transit documents from Sugihara. During his remarks, Lewin shared the actual travel documents that Sugihara helped his family acquire. “It is both an honor and a blessing for me to be here today to share my admiration and thanks for an individual who embodied the role that our rabbis specified, saying you should not do a good deed with the expectation that you will be rewarded, but for the good deed itself. That is what Chiune Sugihara did.”. Alyza Lewin, Nathan Lewin’s daughter and President of LDB, followed her father’s remarks by sharing her personal perspective about the impact that Sugihara’s actions and legacy have had on her as the direct descendant of a Sugihara survivor. Lewin shared that “with the immense gratitude that each Sugihara survivor feels, comes a parallel sense of responsibility,” and that her family’s history thus inspires her dedication and commitment to her ongoing and tireless work at the Brandeis Center to fight today’s anti-Semitism. Following these moving presentations from the Lewins, the keynote speaker, Ambassador and Consul General of Japan in New York, Kanji Yamanouchi, praised Sugihara’s brave decision to follow his convictions, contrary to the instructions provided by the Japanese government not to provide visas to Jewish refugees. The Ambassador spoke about the everlasting importance of empathy and humanity in diplomatic actions across the United States, Israel, and Japan, and how Sugihara’s memory and legacy should inspire equality and compassion in diplomatic spheres. Kenneth Weinstein, CEO of the Hudson Institute and former United States Ambassador designate to Japan, spoke about Jewish, American, and Japanese relations in changing times. His inspiring words touched on the importance of building partnerships with Israel and many Asian countries, particularly given recent improvements in Israel-Japan relations. In addition, Ada Winstein, described her and her family’s story of survival, providing yet another moving and impactful reminder about the fateful role that Sugihara played in the lives of so many Jews, and the reverence that such survivors and their descendants have for the Japanese diplomat who protected so many from certain death. To conclude the presentation, Tokyo-born mural artist, Juuri, presented a mural she created in honor of Sugihara’s actions and legacy. The mural depicted Sugihara’s compassion and conviction, with bold colors and beautiful artwork surrounding his portrait. The mural even included direct text extracted from Nathan Lewin’s visa. Watch the event here. Listen here to LDB President, Alyza Lewin, discuss the impact of Sugihara’s legacy in the fight against anti-Semitism today on Alan Skorski’s “The Definitive Rap.” Nathan-Lewin Leidimas
In a recent town hall meeting at Brock University in St. Catherine’s, Ontario, Canadian Prime Minister Justin Trudeau condemned the boycott, divestment and sanctions (BDS) movement as anti-Semitic and contrary to “Canadian values.” He specifically accused the BDS movement of intimidating Jewish students on university campuses, claiming that the movement is often linked to discrimination and making individuals “feel unsafe on campus because of their religion.” The Prime Minister’s condemnation of BDS comes only a few months after Trudeau issued a formal apology on behalf of Canada’s refusal to accept 907 Jewish refugees aboard the German ocean liner MS St. Louis in 1939. Canada turned the boat away and with no safe haven it returned to Europe, where more than 250 Jews ultimately perished in the Holocaust. Prime Minister Justin Trudeau speaking at a town hall meeting in January 2019 (The Canadian Press). Trudeau used the town hall as an opportunity to clearly state Canada’s diplomatic position on Israel. The country supports a two-state solution “that will be negotiated directly by Israel and the Palestinian people.” While the Prime Minister vociferously condemned BDS, he also highlighted the point that the State of Israel is subject to criticism like any other democratic country. He also gave mention to the differences between legitimate and illegitimate criticism of Israel by referencing former Canadian justice minister Irwin Cotler’s use of “the three Ds: demonization of Israel, a double standard around Israel and a delegitimization of the State of Israel.” This “three D test” is derived from the standard initially set by Natan Sharansky, and has become an internationally accepted gold standard in defining anti-Semitism relative to Israel. Trudeau’s understanding of BDS and its capacity to spew vitriol, intimidate students, and damage Israel is both admirable and encouraging, especially during a period in which Israel is increasingly subjected to unfair criticism by states, non-governmental organizations, and other international actors.
(Source: Wiki Commons, Attribution: Bohao Zhao, No Changes Made) On Wednesday, November 28th, Columbia’s Teachers College Professor Elizabeth Midlarsky walked towards her office to discover that she was the victim of an anti-Semitic act. At approximately 1 P.M., Elizabeth Midlarsky, who is a Jewish professor who teaches courses in Psychology and Education, and teaches and conducts research on the Holocaust, found two swastikas and the word “YID” spray-painted outside her Columbia University office. As the entryway to Midlarsky’s office is not shared with other offices, it’s more than likely the perpetrator conducted this act with Midlarsky in mind. After discovering the vandalism, Midlarsky notes that “I was in shock…I stopped for a moment, because I couldn’t believe what I was seeing.” Soon after this horrifying discovery, Midlarsky contacted the University’s Security and was visited by the New York Police Deparment (NYPD). The NYPD Hate Crimes Task Force is currently investigating this incident and is considering it an “aggravated harassment.” The Columbia Spectator notes that the NYPD discovered a different staff member come through the same entryway at about 11:47 A.M., “but did not observe anything unusual at that time.” Unfortunately, this is not the first time that Professor Midlarsky has been the victim of anti-Semitism; in 2007 a swastika was spray-painted on her office door. However, unlike this previous incident, the recent vandalism caused her to note, “I’m usually not a fearful person, but they got me. I’m afraid.” In response, President of Columbia’s Teachers College, Thomas Bailey, condemned the incident, stating: “We unequivocally condemn any expression of hatred, which has no place in our society. We are outraged and horrified by this act of aggression and use of this vile anti-Semitic symbol against a valued member of our community.” New York State Governor Andrew M. Cuomo also condemned the incident and directed the State Police Hate Crimes Unit to assist in the investigation. “I am disgusted by the abhorrent act of anti-Semitism and hate that occurred at Columbia University,” Governor Cuomo said. “In the wake of this incident, I stand together with Columbia University and the entire Jewish community of New York. I am directing the State Police Hate Crimes Unit to assist in the investigation. We will hold those behind this act responsible to the full extent of the law, and we will rise above this hate.” On Sunday night – the first night of the Jewish holiday of Hanukkah – Professor Midlarsky was the first to light the campus’s Hanukkah menorah. Campus Chabad Rabbi Yonah Blum stated: “As Hanukkah approaches this Sunday, we must stand as a light against the darkness of ignorance, hatred and discrimination.”
The following Call for Papers on Holocaust testimonies, recently received by the Louis D. Brandeis Center, may be of interest to some of our readers: The Holocaust Studies Program of Western Galilee College, the USC Shoah Foundation Center for Advanced Genocide Research, University of Southern California, and the Center for Judaic, Holocaust and Peace Studies, Appalachian State University, announce the fifth international interdisciplinary conference and workshop on The Future of Holocaust Testimonies to be held on 11–13 March 2019 in Akko, Israel. Survivors and their testimonies have been central to Holocaust research and memorial culture, but as fewer and fewer survivors remain among us, we need to consider how and in what forms Holocaust scholarship and the memory of the Holocaust will continue. One critical focus will certainly be the legacy that survivors leave behind in the forms of written, audio, and video testimonies, as well as in the transmission of their testimony to their children and grandchildren, who have their own stories to tell, as well as to researchers. In addition, those who are not survivors or their descendants seem destined to play an increased role in the transmission of the history and memory of the Holocaust. We welcome proposals for papers on any aspect of the future of Holocaust testimonies, including, but not limited to, the following topics: methodological and theoretical issues “Holocaust testimony”—renewed analysis of conceptualization and meaning of the term limitations and boundaries in the use of Holocaust testimonies testimonies and historical context testimony classification and categorization by profession, occupation, age, gender, place, and time re-reading and reinterpreting early testimonies multiple testimonies by one and the same survivor second- and third-generation testimonies history, memory, and testimony post-memory intergenerational transmission of trauma and resilience how to remember what we did not experience the role of video-testimony in the future film as testimony the responsibilities of the scholar of the Holocaust Scholarly work on survivor testimony is done today in many academic disciplines including history, literary analysis, linguistics, cultural criticism, psychology, neuroscience, anthropology and sociology. The rich and varied corpus of testimonies requires the collaborative efforts of researchers across disciplines to enable us to hear the voices of survivors articulated through their testimonies. We aim for the conference to contribute both to Holocaust research and to public discourse. Therefore, one day of the conference will be open to the public, and two days will be for researchers only. The conference will be conducted in English. During the public day, presentations and discussions will be held in English and Hebrew with simultaneous translation. Please send a one-page proposal and a short CV to: TestimonyConf@wgalil.ac.il. Doctoral candidates, please add a letter of recommendation from your advisor. Speakers will be provided full hospitality – hotel and meals; travel will not be covered. Deadline for Submission of Proposals: 5 August 2018 For further inquiries, please contact a member of the Steering Committee: Dr. Boaz Cohen, chair, boazc@wgalil.ac.il Dr. Miriam Offer, miriamoffer@gmail.com Holocaust Studies Program, Western Galilee College, Akko Dr. Wolf Gruner, gruner@usc.edu Dr. Martha Stroud, mstroud@usc.edu USC Shoah Foundation Center for Advanced Genocide Research, Los Angeles Dr. Thomas Pegelow Kaplan, thomaspegelowkaplan@appstate.edu Dr. Rosemary Horowitz, horowitzr@appstate.edu Center for Judaic, Holocaust and Peace Studies, Appalachian State University, North Carolina
The following announcement was sent to the Louis D. Brandeis Center by our colleagues at the United States Holocaust Memorial Museum (USHMM). USHMM works to being international engagement on topics concerning the Holocaust, genocide, and ethnic cleansing to different countries and communities around the world. This event, “The Police and The Holocaust: The Role of Police Forces in the Genocide of Jews and Roma,” will take place on May 30th and May 31st in Guatemala City, Guatemala. More details can be found below. The Police and the Holocaust: The Role of Police Forces in the Genocide of Jews and Roma May 30-31, 2018 | Guatemala City, Guatemala Co-organizers: U.S. Holocaust Memorial Museum. Yahad – In Unum, and the Museo del Holocausto Guatemala This conference brings together scholars to address the role of the police in the Holocaust, particularly in the organized murder of Jews and Roma. The Nazi state and their allies involved police at every stage of the genocidal process, from the arrest and looting of the victims to their deportation and killing. During Nazi occupation, non-German police units—some already in existence, some newly created—performed a range of key functions in pursuit of German goals, but also based on their own interests. Participants will address how and why the police—as an executive agency of the state as well as an organized group of decision-making individuals—took part in the genocidal process across Europe, and examine the extent of their participation in different countries and contexts. The conference agenda is available at ushmm.org/police-holocaust-conference The conference is free and open to the public. Simultaneous translation between Spanish and English will be provided. Please register here.
The final two weeks of FutureLearn and Yad Vashem’s online course investigating anti-Semitism are now available to the public. Weeks 1 and 2 investigated the definitions and origins of anti-Semitism in both antiquity and the modern era. Weeks 3 and 4 continued this trend by exploring the Holocaust, as well as more contemporary manifestations of anti-Semitism. Over the final two weeks, the course concludes with a discussion of anti-Semitism in the Arab World, as well as what the future may hold for addressing anti-Semitism. The overarching theme of week 5 is the investigation into a realm that has not been discussed in the course so far—the Islamic and Arab world. This week begins by studying the early years of Islam, and specifically the dynamic between Muslims and Jews in the early days of that religion. The prophet of Islam, Muhammad, initially held high hopes that the Jews of the Arabian Peninsula would convert to Islam. This hope was founded in his belief that Muslims and Jews were very similar because of the several elements of Jewish tradition that he adopted. Similarly, he held very close relationships with several of the Jewish tribes of the Arabian Peninsula. However, when they declined to convert to Islam, an enmity was born out of disappointment which would endure for centuries. Jews’ status in the Quran—the Holy text of Islam—is also perplexing. On one hand, Judaism is described as a divine religion with some very positive elements. On the other hand, the Quran describes Jews as having distorted the true message of Moses and as being deceitful, mean people. This negative portrayal of Judaism has especially harmed the relationship between Islam and Judaism, since the messages of the Quran are the eternal word of God according to the teachings of Islam, and as such, cannot be changed. The expansion of Islamic rule necessitated a practical policy that would regulate the activities of non-Muslims and ascribe a clear place to them. Jews were granted the protection of Muslim law, owing to their status as a monotheistic religion. This protection allowed them a certain level of religious and social autonomy, however, this peaceful existence depended on their acceptance of an inferior status in society. And while there were few examples of anti-Jewish violence, the violent form of anti-Semitism that marred medieval Christian Europe largely did not appear in the Islamic and Arab world. This is likely because of the special role that Jews held in Christian theology as the “killers of Christ,” as well as their history of being segregated as strangers in Western Europe. These factors, which did not exist in medieval Islam, resulted in a much more amenable situation for the Jews. This condition would change in the 19th century when the development and spread of anti-Semitism resulted in a shift in the way Jews were treated and perceived. This change was mainly due to three factors: the importation of European ideologies and concepts, the collapse of traditional political systems and the loyalties and practices associated with them, and the appearance of Zionism. One such ideology that proved to be detrimental to the Jews under Islamic rule was the idea of nationalism, which spread across the Arab world and gained prominence in the 20th century. The fact the Islam became one of the elements required to be a national meant that Jews would once again be viewed as the “other”. This sentiment, when combined with the geopolitical weakness of the Muslim world at the time, created a sense of deep crisis among Muslims and resulted in a worsening in the attitude towards Christian and Jewish minorities. Finally, the rise of Zionism also proved detrimental to the status of Jews in the Islamic world. The collapse of the Ottoman Empire, the European takeover of the Middle Eastern countries following WWI, and the recognized need for a Jewish state in the Balfour Declaration all contributed to rising Zionism and a rise in anti-Semitism. Though anti-Semitism became prolific during this era, the rise of the Muslim Brotherhood facilitated a shift towards violent anti-Semitism, evidenced by the pogrom initiated against the Jews of Cairo in 1948. It was also in the middle of the 20th century that Islamism, which can be understood as the interpretation of Islam as a state order, became more pronounced. Islamism can manifest itself in one of two avenues: institutional and jihadist. Those following institutional Islamism abandon the use of violence, and are willing to work through institutions to accomplish their goals (an example would be the AKP—Justice and Development Party of Turkey). Jihadist Islamism, or violent Islamism, argues that the best way to seize power is through violence and terrorism. The origins of contemporary radical groups, such as al-Qaeda and ISIS, can be found in the actions of the Muslim Brotherhood, who pioneered jihadist Islamism. The rise of Islamism engendered a new interpretation of history, one in which resentment of the Jews of the early Islamic period was translated into an emotional and intellectual hatred, which also combined modern anti-Semitic perceptions and rhetoric. Week 5 concludes with a discussion of how anti-Semitic discourse is expressed and transmitted using various types of media active in the Arab and Islamic world today. Using age-old anti-Semitic tropes and refusing to air programs which portray Jews in a positive light are just a few of the many ways in which anti-Semitism in manifested in the media. While much of the media in the Arab world portrays negative or hostile attitudes towards Israel and the Jews, most Muslim states tend not to utilize anti-Semitism as an official political stance. However, there is one state where anti-Semitism, and particularly Holocaust denial, is propagated and sanctioned by the state itself: Iran. Never afraid to resort to anti-Semitic discourse, Iran frequently disputes the legitimacy of the Holocaust. They view the Holocaust as pivotal in the justification of Zionism, and furthermore, an effective way for Israel to extort Western countries for financial and political support. While many credit President Ahmadinejad for popularizing this stance, Supreme Leader Khomeini resorted to Holocaust denial years before Ahmadinejad came to office. This practice has become commonplace in Iran, with the United Ministry of Foreign Affairs regularly using Holocaust denial to undermine the legitimacy of Israel in every way possible. The course continues its focus on contemporary anti-Semitism in the sixth and final week, concentrating on the ways in which it is expressed and the complexities that arise when attempting to identify its more blurred manifestations. In the first module, which explores the challenges related to identifying anti-Semitism, Kenneth L. Marcus offers his expertise and knowledge on the subject. Mr. Marcus, who is the President and Founder of the Louis D. Brandeis Center, as well as its General Counsel, speaks to the boundaries between legitimate and illegitimate criticism of Israel. One common measure used to identify illegitimate, and therefore anti-Semitic, criticism of Israel is the 3-D test: This test begins by asking whether the Jewish state is being demonized. Demonizing does not mean criticizing, but rather, ascribing demonic or otherworldly characteristics to the Jewish state. Secondly, this test asks whether the Jewish state is being delegitimized? This refers to the notion that Israel alone lacks legitimacy among the nations in the same way that the Jewish religion was claimed to lack legitimacy during prior generations. Finally, the 3-D test considers whether double standards are being used in the criticism of Israel. Holding Israel to different set of standards and applying those standards to one country alone would suggest that the criticism of Israel is illegitimate. By evaluating topics such as demonization, delegitimization, and double standards, the 3-D test serves as the basis for the most important international definitions of anti-Semitism. In fact, this test provides the backbone for the US State Department’s definition of anti-Semitism, as well as the International Holocaust Remembrance Alliance’s definition, which is used by several countries. Additionally, Mr. Marcus sheds light as to the status of the BDS movement in contemporary discussions of anti-Semitism. The BDS movement (Boycott, Divestment, and Sanctions against Israel) tries to isolate Israel from the international community by encouraging consumer, institutional, and/or government sanction of Israel. It is worth noting that those who support the BDS movement should not automatically be considered anti-Semites. To determine whether BDS supporters are anti-Semitic, one must closely examine their motivations and actions. However, when evaluating BDS as a whole, it becomes clear that this movement is both discriminatory and anti-Semitic. This is evidenced by the fact that many of BDS’s leaders hold strong negative attitudes towards Jews, and that much of their discourse is rooted in classic, anti-Jewish stereotypes. This movement has become particularly prevalent on college campuses, and AMCHA Initiative survey research has demonstrated that those campuses where BDS resolutions are argued correlate with a disproportionate number of attacks targeting Jewish students. These resolutions change the environment for Jewish students, so that individuals Jews are perceived as being complicit in perpetrating supposed human rights violations against non-Jews in the Israel-Palestine conflict. The course continues with a discussion of the deeply conspiratorial features that are frequently associated with contemporary anti-Semitism. The claim that Jews or Zionists possess considerable wealth, power, and influence, and are using it control democratic governments, financial institutions, and media corporations, can be found among all spheres from which anti-Semitism is present today. These conspiratorial accusations, which are often based in centuries-old stereotypes, have been facilitated by the growth of social media and the internet. While the internet and social media have enabled individuals to have instant access to information and knowledge, it has also allowed for the spread and dissemination of anti-Semitism. Online hate and viral anti-Semitism are hostilities which often prove difficult to counter, however, there are certain actions that can be taken to minimize their occurrence. This includes enhancing social media platforms’ ability to deal with this issue, educating people as to their own role and power in combatting viral anti-Semitism, and demonstrating to leaders the political benefits that can be wrought through their actions. The course concludes by examining the ways in which anti-Semitism is confronted and dealt with today, beginning with increased research. Understanding the roots, history, forms, and characteristics of anti-Semitism are pivotal in formulating the most effective strategies to combat this scourge. Additionally, having a definition of what should and should not be identified as anti-Semitic expression could provide guidance to both domestic and international policymakers. While a body of European legislation, such as the Council of Europe Convention on cybercrime protects Jews and places legal parameters on incitement to hatred against Jews, national governments must enhance their own legislation following this example. In time, can anti-Semitism be uprooted completely? Potentially. While anti-Semitism may be entrenched in much of our social dynamic, it is not something we are born with; Rather, it is something we are taught. FutureLearn and Yad Vashem’s online course represents a tremendous step forward in the long and arduous battle to eliminate anti-Semitism. Over the course of six weeks, students investigate the origins and manifestations of anti-Semitism. This journey began with an evaluation of the rise of religiously rooted anti-Semitism in the Middle Ages, then giving way to a discussion of the major social changes that allowed anti-Semitism to become prolific in the modern world. The exploration concluded with an exploration of anti-Semitism in the contemporary world, where views of Israel and Zionism as the antithesis to all that is right and good are far too prolific. While there are times when a world without anti-Semitism may seem difficult to envision, FutureLearn’s course provides hope the future. The first step in combatting this pervasive malady is to understand it. Through rigorous and thorough instruction, “Anti-Semitism: From Its Origins to the Present” should be considered one of the most valuable tools in this laudable endeavor.
FutureLearn and Yad Vashem’s latest collaboration is well under way as their “Anti-Semitism: From Its Origins to the Present” entered its fourth week. Several weeks ago, the Brandeis Center provided a brief overview of the first two week’s material. This post will serve a similar function, detailing some of the material covered in weeks 3 and 4 of the course. Week 3, which is entitled “Genocidal Anti-Semitism: From World War I to the Holocaust,” investigates how modern anti-Semitic notions were developed and expressed, culminating with the horrors committed during the Holocaust. To begin this discussion, the week begins with a module exploring the relationship between World War I and anti-Semitism. The Great War, which vastly changed the world map, left a new and unstable world order that had deep implications for the development of hostilities in Europe, especially toward Jews. When the Hapsburg empire disintegrated, Jews often found themselves resented and persecuted by the new ruling powers, once again bringing about questions of belonging and otherness. More importantly however is the effect that World War I had on Germany, where radical anti-Semitism would evolve into Nazism in a few short decades. Nazi Germany’s animosity toward the Jews largely originated with many Germans blaming the Jews for the collapse the country experienced in the years following World War I. Following this discussion of WWI, the course looks at the effect of the Russian Revolution and their civil war pogroms, or large-scale and anti-Jewish rioting. While the Russian Revolution and Civil War resulted in equal status for Jews, they were still targets of violent pogroms which resulted in the death of 200,000 Jews. Additionally, as a result of the Revolution, Jews became increasingly perceived as being tied to revolutionary movements, especially Bolshevism. The Nazis would later exploit this relationship, using the relationship between Jews and communism as propaganda for their anti-communist and anti-Semitic terrors. While lower classes and minorities were allowed to participate in the political sphere during the interwar period, various opposing political voices led to multiple parties and unstable coalitions, which further polarized public opinion. This negative sentiment, combined with the perpetuation of the negative stereotype regarding Jews and money during the economically unstable interwar period, contributed to growing hostility towards the Jews. The trauma of the first World War and the turbulent interwar years helped give rise to Nazism in Germany, which incorporated anti-Semitism in their ideologies and policies. Nazi ideology was a worldview that claimed to explain everything about the world and how it functions. At its core, the ideology was racial and biological, as they believed the world was divided into superior and inferior races. The most inferior of the races, the Jews, constituted the greatest threat to the world, owing to their destructive and immutable nature. This redemptive anti-Semitism of the Nazis was not an impediment to gaining power. Many Germans were not in favor of a democracy after WWI, and this sentiment combined with the Great Depression in Germany in 1930 created a desire in many Germans for a strong leader who would solve economic problems. These factors explain why the anti-Semitic nature of the Nazis by and large did not interfere with people who were willing to vote for the Nazi party, therefore allowing them to gain power and begin implementing their policies. Some of these policies included the organization of the anti-Jewish Boycott, the implementation of the Nuremberg laws, and the changing of Jewish people’s names to Israel and Sara. The anti-Semitic policies implemented by the Nazi regime in the 1930’s and the ensuing anti-Jewish hostility culminated during the years of the World War II with the events of the Holocaust, in which millions of Jews were murdered. What we call the Holocaust, the Nazis called “final solution to the Jewish problem,” which was accomplished by implementing policies which systematically persecuted and killed Jews in order to achieve the “New World Order.” The first of these steps was to isolate all of the Jews and concentrate them into ghettos and forced labor camps. However, this policy would devolve into one designed to systematically exterminate the Jews, using tools such as gas chambers and shootings. The Jewish lives that were lost, including many children, did not lie solely at the hands of the Nazis however. Essential to their operations were their collaborators who took an active part in the persecution and roundup of Jews. These collaborators included the Dutch bureaucracy, the French Police, Slovakian government, and local populations in the Ukraine and Romania. By the time of Nazi Germany’s surrender in May 1945, entire communities had been wiped out and their Jewish populations exterminated. The physical, psychological, and cultural losses after the Holocaust are almost impossible to grasp: six million Jews murdered, including 1.5 million children. Week 4 transitions from learning about the historical roots of anti-Semitism to exploring its contemporary manifestations, specifically how anti-Semitic sentiment is expressed by the Far-right and Far-left. The first of these realms in which anti-Semitism is prolific, Far-right groups, were marginalized in their ideologies and discredited due to the horrific actions taken by the Nazis and their collaborators during World War II. However, as their ideology shifted to a more central position, they enjoyed more electoral victories across Europe in the late 20th and early 21st centuries. While the characteristics of various Far-right parties might differ, there is at least one common thread that unites them: a hatred of Jews. This hostility is linked to a number of clichés, including a belief in the ‘world conspiracy’ stereotype about Jews. However, the place anti-Semitism holds today in more “mainstream” right-wing populist groups differs from their more radical counterparts. For example, certain right-wing populist parties often display anti-Semitism in their desire to stop talking about the Holocaust, which mainly stems from feelings of guilt. In contrast, many Europeans still belong to the same disturbing movements that viewed Hitler and Nazi Germany as a shining example. Targeting Jews, Blacks, Muslims, homosexuals, Roma, Sinti, as well as other groups perceived as threatening “foreigners”, these radical movements continue to act, gaining online popularity and attracting crowds in Europe, and to a lesser extent, the United States. White supremacist groups such as the Ku Klux Klan, and the rise of the Alt-Right party, both of which used to exist on the fringe of American society, now have gained popularity and advocate for anti-Semitism, racism, Islamophobia, homophobia and other forms of hate in the United States. One of the most common expressions of contemporary Far-right anti-Semitism is Holocaust denial, in all its myriad forms, including Holocaust distortion, minimization and trivialization. Holocaust denial often takes one of two general forms: 1) Gross Holocaust Denial: this includes a denial that the Holocaust ever existed in the scope and means that Jews, historians, and survivors claim. 2) Distortion or Soft Holocaust Denial: This includes diminishing the numbers—acknowledging that there was a holocaust and killing but not in such scope, or comparing the Holocaust to other disasters, thereby denying its uniqueness and characteristics that made it an outlying event. The other common sphere from which anti-Semitism emanates today is the Far-left. The relationship between anti-Semitism and the Far-left is almost paradoxical when one considers that many of the Far-left’s members believe that they strongly oppose anti-Semitism. This relationship is even more confusing when one considers how anti-Semitism can exist in a realm that vehemently opposes any form of racism or xenophobia. The reason why anti-Semitism fits with Far-left ideology is because, in contrast with most forms of racism which treats its targets as subhuman, anti-Semitism usually portrays Jews as being immensely powerful—because they can “pull the strings,” have all the money, or control politicians. Importantly, the ways in which the Far-left display anti-Semitism are very different than those of the Far-right. When discussing anti-Semitism in the Far-left, one must be acquainted with the term ‘anti-Zionism,’ which is used today to describe various religious, moral, and political points of view. Oftentimes, anti-Zionism is used as a camouflage term for hostility to the state of Israel and often to the Jewish people. However, it is important to note that legitimate differences with Israeli policies or actions should not be considered anti-Semitic. But when those criticisms call the existence of the state of Israel into question, or when Israel is compared to apartheid South Africa and Nazi Germany, anti-Zionism becomes anti-Semitic. In correlation with the anti-Zionist narrative and the ongoing Israeli-Palestinian conflict, Israel has increasingly been perceived as a key site of the imperialist system by the Far-left. Whether because they view Israel as America’s guard dog in the Middle East, or because they supposedly pioneer technologies of surveillance and oppression, Israel is often viewed as the center of the global system. This is particularly worrying when one considers how all kinds of different anti-Semitisms have portrayed Jews at the center of everything bad that happens in the world. While many of these forms are relatively new in the history of anti-Semitism, they build on pre-Holocaust anti-Semitic stereotypes and imagery, often adapting them according to the changing ideological needs. Although the manifestations of anti-Semitism may differ between the Far-right and Far-left, it is a shared reliance on classical anti-Semitic perceptions that bridges the gap between the two groups. The topics covered here provide a brief glimpse into some of the material covered in weeks 3 and 4 of the course. Weeks 1, 2, and 3 examine the historical roots of anti-Semitism, while week 4 transitions into the contemporary manifestations of anti-Semitism. Week 5 will continue this trend by focusing on an additional sphere which has not been discussed in the course so far—that of the Arab and Islamic world.
A Danish petition to ban non-medical circumcision has gathered over 20,000 signatures since it was introduced on February 1. Needing only 30,000 more signatures to force a vote in the Danish Parliament, this petition seems likely to reach that goal with ease. Under regulations passed in January, petitions can force a vote in parliament if they meet two requirements: 1) They are approved for posting on the Folketinget, or Citizen Proposal, which is the official website of the Danish Parliament. 2) They gather 50,000 signatures within six months of their introduction. With the first criteria met and the second one well within sight, this petition appears likely to force a vote in Danish parliament. Proposed and promoted by the group Denmark Intact, the petition seeks to ban non-medical circumcision for boys by setting the minimum age requirement for the procedure at 18 years. Additionally, the petition proposes a punishment of up to six years in prison for anyone who is found guilty of violating the law. Supposedly motivated by the desire to promote freedom of choice, the chairperson of Denmark Intact opined, “If people want to let themselves be circumcised then they should have the opportunity to make that choice as an adult. Otherwise, they ought to be allowed to grow up with their body intact.” Described in the petition as a form of abuse and corporal punishment, non-medical circumcision is a fundamental part of Jewish faith. Ritual circumcision, or Brit Milah, usually occurs in synagogue eight days after birth and is symbolic of one’s partnership with God. Additionally, non-medical circumcision is a tradition practiced in Islam. With Denmark serving as a home to over 8,000 Jews and several hundred thousand Muslims, the discriminatory nature of this bill should not be underestimated. This petition is the latest in a string of anti-Semitic legislation that has emerged all over Europe in recent months. On February 6, Polish President Andrzej Duda signed a bill into law that criminalized any reference to Polish complicity in Nazi war crimes against Jews during the Holocaust. This bill, which was passed on International Holocaust Remembrance Day, drew concern from the United States Congress, who feared the free speech limitations this legislation might impose. Despite signing the bill into law, President Duda is going to allow the country’s constitutional court to evaluate the law, leaving open the possibility of future amendments. Just a few weeks removed from the enactment of their Holocaust bill, the Polish parliament is expected to vote on a bill that will ban kosher and Halal slaughter. This “animal welfare” bill, which would also include a ban on exporting Kosher meat from Poland, would disproportionately affect Jewish communities across Europe. Similarly, the Icelandic parliament is expected to vote on a bill which would ban circumcision without a medical cause “on a person unable to provide informed consent.” Like the Danish petition, this Icelandic bill includes a six-year prison term for those found guilty of performing non-medical circumcision. The Danish petition, in addition to its Icelandic counterpart, are indicative of a rise in anti-Semitic legislation that could establish a dangerous precedent. As Rabbi Andrew Baker noted in his address at the University of Vienna, Danes should be fearful of this petition, as well as the Icelandic bill, because “countries will somehow look to one another,” drawing inspiration from the anti-Semitic legislation passed in other countries. The potential for this domino effect implies that response to this prejudiced petition be treated as not just an infringement on the right of Danish Jews, but on the European Jewish community as a whole.